Sunday, April 27, 2008
Police patrol girl protester's home
Shanghai Daily Home 2008-4-25
http://www.shanghaidaily.com/sp/article/2008/200804/20080425/article_357172.htm
WANG Deyu, father of Duke University student Grace Wang, has remained at work and seldom returns home in Qingdao, Shandong Province, these days after his daughter became a target of protests for her support of "Free Tibet" protestors in the United States."Wang refused a meeting with the police on matters of individual harassment outside his apartment. He said he does not need police protection," said Liu Guoxiang, a police officer of Qingdao Public Security Bureau.Wang, a human resource manager in Qingdao City has shunned contact with the outside.Protest slogans such as "Wake up. No Fun to Be a Traitor" were painted on the wall outside Wang's apartment."We have cleaned the graffiti, and are preparing to whitewash the wall," said Dai Guilan, a senior woman in charge of the residential committee of Zhenjiang Road, where Wang's home is.She said the neighborhood was not disturbed, nor were there any signs of protest, despite calls for such on the Internet. Many neighbors did not even know of the matter, she said."We don't see Wang Deyu and his wife very often. They seldom lived here even before the incident," said Dai.Wang's daughter, Wang Qianyuan, more widely known since the incident at Duke University by her English name of Grace Wang, was criticized by her fellow Chinese students for siding with "Free Tibet" supporters. She was reported to have used blue body paint to write "Save Tibet" slogans on the bare back of one of the organizers of an anti-China protest on her campus.The local police in Qingdao said they reinforced patrols around the neighborhood of Wang's apartment to prevent "extreme activities," without explaining what activities they expected. They have also maintained "hotline contacts" with the residential committee and Wang's close neighbors for clues of harassment.Although Wang Deyu was not available for comment, a manager from Wang's firm, Yang Zongjun, told Xinhua that Wang "worked as usual." "We didn't see anything strange. He just doesn't want to be disturbed by the incident," said Yang.Xinhua
Thursday, April 24, 2008
王千源父母的住所遭受破坏RFA419新西兰资讯网
王千源父母家所在的青岛市北仲路派出所接受本台粤语组查询时证实,王千源父母家遭破坏,但拒绝透露详情。记者问:听说他家被破坏,也有恐吓。派出所的工作人员说:“是。”记者问:他们有没有报警?你们在调查吗?他回答:“我们不能向媒体发表意见,请向市公安局查询。”
记者多次致电青岛市公安局宣传处的电话,但都没有人接听。而王千源母校青岛市第二中学的电话则无法接通。
本 台联络上与王千源同年毕业的青岛二中学生。记者一提起王千源,他就立即划清界线,表示与她并不相识。他说,王千源仅在青岛二中读了一年,在校内的人际关系 并不活跃,也不算是高材生,不知道为何她能到美国留学。他甚至质疑当日学校收错了学生。他说:“她只在二中读了一年,我们同学都不认识她。她不是甚么高材 生,可能当初学校收生有点问题。”记者问:“但是去年她去美国时报章也有报道,说她成绩好。”他说:“我不知道她为甚么可以出国留学,学校可能为了保护 她,同时也为学校作了一点宣传。”
他还说,不支持攻击王千源家人和破坏王家住所的行为。他相信,发表激烈言论的网民只是出于一番爱国热情,并没有恶意,相信实际上会破坏王家住所的人属极少数。
王千源就读的美国杜克大学接受本台查询时表示,校方已向王千源提供各方面帮助,包括安排社工见面,以及与警方、王千源所属学系、校内的中国同学会,以及王千源的朋友保持联系,暂时并没有迹象显示王千源在校园内会有危险。
杜 克大学中国学生学者联谊会监委会一名成员也表示,同学间对这次事件并没有太多讨论,反而在中国网民讨论激烈。他认为,网民攻击和骚扰王千源在青岛的家人的 行为过份。他说:“每个人都有每个人的立场,王千源只是表达了她个人的观点和立场,其他人也有其他人的立场,也可以对其他人的立场有自己的看法,这都是可 以理解的。对于国内网友一些过激的行动,我是反对的。”
中国官方新华网周五转载了《新快报》有关王千源的报道。报道引述王千源同学的话, 表示王千源当天只希望促使支持和反对西藏运动的示威者交谈。报道又转载了王千源的公开信,表明王千源并非支持西藏独立,但认为若步步相逼,只会化友为敌, 将原本和平的西藏民众迫上梁山,最终造成不可收拾的局面。报道还引述了网上有关攻击和同情王千源的讨论,表示把王千源视为汉奸的定论下得太早。
这次风波源于上周三奥运圣火在美国旧金山市传递当日,杜克大学校园里有支持和反对西藏运动的示威,王千源尝试调停,有关录像被放上网之后,中国网民开始大肆攻击王千源,指责她支持西藏独立分裂中国,她和家人的个人资料,包括住址、电话以致身份证号码等被通通放上网。
自由亚洲电台张丽明报道
她想借机会出头也算是机关算尽。不过不会有什么结果的。很快就会被边缘化的。
袭击她父母住所的行为绝对不应该。不过你到美国扯起本。拉登的像试试?你父母在美国的家也免不了挨石头。
估计她是交钱进的重点学校那种学生吧
维基百科中的王千源事件
王千源事件是美国杜克大学一年级中國女留学生王千源,因為在2008年4月9日在杜克大学内的一次支持中國政府与支持西藏流亡政府的示威中被部分中國留学生和網民指以支持藏独的立场出现,并被指称为“汉奸”,在中国国内外引起巨大爭議,并引发了一系列大量针对王及其家人的谴责言论和惡意攻擊的事件。4月17日CCTV网站在首页上将其称为“最丑陋留学生”。[1]王后来辩称自己是以中间调停人的身份出现,并否认自己支持藏独[2]。事件受到包括各华文媒体和《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》等西方媒体的关注。[2][3][4]
目录[隐藏] |
事件
2008年4月9日,受到奥运圣火传递风波的影响,杜克大学内同时举行了支持中國政府与支持西藏流亡政府的示威。当时在支持西藏示威人群中间的中国人就被学生大喊“叛徒”[5]。王千源首先在东校区出现,与中国学生用英文辩论,并为西藏支持者在背上书写“Free Tibet, Save Tibet”的标语。后来又出现在西校区两边示威人群当中,摆出了“T”手势,并試圖與雙方領導人接觸,促使他們對話,但遭雙方拒絕[2]。后来和反藏独学生争论,引起了在场许多华人的注意,并被拍摄了照片,视频[6]。并有报道称,王千源接受NPR采访时说,说她对布什總統表态说不抵制北京奥运非常失望。[7]
据《纽约时报》引述,当时王劝说一名支持西藏示威的组织者不要针对杜克学生,应该与对方对话,该组织者表示对话不会有任何帮助。文章同时提到一名中 国学生,称王“虽然自称调停人,但并没有跟任何组织者沟通。”,并称当时仅有少数留学生对她比较愤怒,但有很多学生试图保护她,事实上大多数人不认为她罪 大恶极、必须受这样的对待[3]。
王千源接受杜克大学校报《Chronicle》的采访时,责怪杜克的中国学生学者联谊会(CSSA)透过电子邮件系统,协助散播她的个人资讯。三名中国学生学者联谊会的成员在一份公开信件中解释,邮件清单是对外公开的,他们也认为那些对王千源的言语攻击是“折磨且可恶的”,所有王千源的个人资讯与冒犯文章均已移除。
事后,为支持自由西藏人士写标语,摆出“T”手势(由于类似手势被当时的很多藏独支持者使用,被许多人认为是反对北京奥运口号“One World, One Dream”的手势,或代表“西藏”(Tibet)),及将西藏的雪山狮子旗与香港区旗相提并论激怒了当时在场的部分华人学生,后来有人将王的照片和相关视频上传到网上,称之为“汉奸”。
民众反应
王千源的照片和视频迅速在网上流传,大量网民谴责其支持藏独,分裂祖国,网上还充斥着对王的辱骂和威胁。随后王的个人资料(包括其生日、身份证号码、住址、学校和父母的姓名和工作单位)都被公布到网上。王收到大量威胁恐吓的电子邮件[2],王千源的朋友在一封信上称,王在青岛的住所被人用石头攻击[8],还有照片称说其住所被人潑糞、投擲花盆及涂鸦。王在接受自由亞洲電臺采訪時表示由于受到騷擾,她當前已經沒法去上課,正受到當地警方的保護。[9]
隨著事實(包括王當日的言論以及王對西藏所持的立場)逐漸清晰,部分網友對王期望表達的內容表示理解,並對王及其家人受到文革式的人身攻擊表示同情。但另一方面,他們認為王在對峙中試圖表達自己想法是缺乏考量的。
回应
当日,为了澄清自己的立场,王千源写了一封对杜克校友的公开信,主张对西藏既是中国领土,在该议题上要谨慎行事[10]:
孙子曰: 穷寇莫追。亦言:损刚益柔。老子云:上善若水。战略上,攻心为上。天时不如地利,地利不如人和。成大事者,能忍人之不能忍,方为人所不能为。为中华之崛 起,此方为用人之时,我们要有容人之度,容人之量。我不是让你消极等待,而是积极备战,消除怒气,头脑才会清晰,思维才能敏捷,决断才会正确,看清局势, 方可从容应对。两个拳师相对,聪明的拳师往往后退一步,让对方露出破绽,然后一招知命。愚蠢的拳师一上来便大施拳脚,使出全部看家本领,反而会被对方摸出 门路,为敌牵制。如今我们初来美国,立身未稳,如此头脑发热,意气用事,后果不堪设想。岂不闻“棍棒之下无孝子”,拳头威逼之下,别人的满口应承哪里能是 真心?因而应该以德治国,以理服人,退避三舍而后发,卧薪尝胆而后能,而非图一时之快,争一朝之胜负。汉武帝的“有为而治”之初用了一招非常厉害的“无为而治”的“推恩令”,表面上遵从各藩属国的意愿,恩泽四方,实则将大国化为无数无法作为的小国,矛盾自解。我们应该努力让道义的天平倾向于自己,把舆论压力留给对手,让他们的拳头打在蜘蛛网上,让其像小丑一般自讨苦吃,何必苦苦相争,反而给自己造成无限烦恼?
针对民众对她的指控,她在接受《明報》采訪時一一做出回应。她称自己从来没有举起过雪山狮子旗。并称網上流傳其父的《謝罪信》和一篇「室友博客」均为伪造。此外,她称自己的手势意思是让双方暂停争吵;帮人写的“Free Tibet”意为自由,而非独立[11]。
4月18日,自由亞洲電臺播出對王千源的獨家專訪,王對中國民眾的圍攻表示[9]:
我感到很意外。但他们可以这样对我,也可以这样对别人。我只是他们的一个靶子。中国人现在这种很奇怪的“愤青”状态是心理不平衡的一种表现,是一种变态的所谓爱国方式,但实际上绝对不是在爱国。他们标榜自己,攻击别人。
她并表示這像是歷史回潮,與文化大革命十分相似。她又表示秦朝滅亡的原因在于暴政。[9]
王千源后来在接受美国全国公共广播电台采访时称:“当时双方的观点都很典型,都不了解实情,我想促使他们对话。”[1]她在随后接受媒体采访时称自己“并不是那些想伤害中国的‘汉奸’的一员”[3],而是想澄清真相,“抵制網絡暴行的蔓延”[2]。
参考文献
- ^ CCTV网站首页:“最丑陋的留学生”
- ^ 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 王千源遭網民圍剿 斡旋護聖火團藏獨者對話 留學女生被斥漢奸.明报新闻网.
- ^ 3.0 3.1 3.2 Chinese Student in U.S. Is Caught in Confrontation.纽约时报.
- ^ Caught in the Middle, Called a Traitor.华盛顿邮报.
- ^ PRO-TIBET, PRO-CHINA PROTESTERS CLASH ON QUAD.The Chronicle Online.
- ^ 游行当天视频.YouTube.
- ^ 王千源事件始末及熱評 西楚網
- ^ China: Fallout from the Free Tibet protests.GlocalVoices.
- ^ 9.0 9.1 9.2 就西藏问题发表己见遭攻击 留美学生王千源接受专访谈困境.自由亞洲電臺.
- ^ 王千源事件始末及熱評 西楚網
- ^ “斡旋護聖火團藏獨者對話 被指漢奸 留美生遭網民圍剿 老家遭擲花盆潑糞”,明报新闻网,2008年4月19日.
外部链接
BBC介绍王千源事件423
美国北卡罗莱纳州杜克大学的中国女留学生王千源(Grace Wang),旧金山奥运火炬接力期间,由于支持西藏抗议者而被许多中国人指为"汉奸",成为网络愤怒的众矢之的。
王千源坚持说她并不支持西藏独立。据报道,22岁的王千源曾经帮助一名支持西藏独立的活动分子在后背上写上"自由西藏,挽救西藏"的标语。
王千源在《华盛顿邮报》上发表文章,说自己在校园抗议中尝试在对立阵营中充当"调停人",两个阵营里头的人她都认识,不过却因此被夹在中间,遭到中国学生的诋毁和恐吓。 ![]()
据报道,王千源在青岛的家人也受到骚扰及威胁。王千源对媒体表示她目前已经不能上课,并受到当地警方的保护。她还说十分担心她在中国父母的安全。
据报道,中国中央电视台网站本月17日在首页还以"最丑陋的留学生"刊登了王千源的照片和影片。
许多人在网上对王千源发出人身威胁。有人认为她所作的一切都是为了出名,还有人说她只不过是走获得美国绿卡的捷径。 ![]()
暴政既有可能出于政府,也有可能出于人民 ![]()
王千源对自己受到谩骂和攻击感到很意外。她说,一些 中国人在此事上表现出的愤怒状态表现出他们心理不平衡,是变态的爱国方式,类似于"文革"时期的狂热。
她接受自由亚洲电台采访时说,"希望一个国家有更强大的人民,而不是一个强大的政府逼迫人民连话都不敢说……我担心的是,这个暴政既有可能出于政府,也有可能出于人民,这太可怕了。"
Duke 423讨论
S.C. Tibetan speaker wants to discuss peace
By CAROLYN CLICKcclick@thestate.com
When the spiritual leader of the Charleston Tibetan Society and the S.C. Dharma Group comes to USC tonight, he wants to sit down in a peaceful atmosphere to talk about ways China and Tibet can restore their severed relationship.
For many years, “China and Tibet lived together,” Geshe Dakpa Topgyal said Tuesday in a telephone interview. “We treated China as our uncle, and they treated us as a nephew.”
Now, he said, China wants to openly destroy that nephew, wiping out the cultural and religious traditions Tibetans have cherished for centuries.
With reports of heightened clashes between China and Tibet making front-page news, emotions have heated up on college campuses between pro-Chinese and pro-Tibetan protesters.
Passions run high, as witnessed in a heated exchange at 423 University two weeks ago. Chinese student Grace Wang tried to mediate a campus protest between 400 pro-Chinese demonstrators and 12 protesters making the case for Tibetan independence.
Within hours, she was receiving Internet death threats, and her parents were forced into hiding after protesters painted death threats outside their apartment in the Chinese city of Qingdao.
USC has worked to quell any possible outbursts, said Michael Scardaville, a history professor and adviser to the campus chapter of Amnesty International, which is sponsoring the discussion.
Pro-China students will be able to present their ideas and literature in the lobby of Gambrell Hall, where the talk will take place, he said.
“What we are certainly trying to do is create a safe environment for people to express their points of view,” said Scardaville, who plans to meet with the president of the Chinese student association before the talk.
Topgyal is intimately familiar with Chinese repression toward Tibet, the high plateau region within the People’s Republic of China.
Tibet declared itself independent from China in the early 1900s but was forced to accept China’s sovereignty after a 1949 military invasion. The Dalai Lama is the head of the Tibet government in exile.
After the military crackdown was completed in 1959, Topgyal’s family lived quietly until 1968, when the Chinese finally built navigable roads to his ancestral home. The family was forced to flee when he was 6, traveling across the Himalayas in an eight-day trek to reach Nepal in neighboring India.
“No horse, no yak, no nothing,” he said.
Topgyal entered the Drepung Loseling Monastic University in India, the famous Tibetan monastery that the communists had shuttered in Lhasa, killing and imprisoning many of the monks. It was re-opened in exile in India.
He later spent 10 years teaching in Europe before coming to America. Topgyal has been in Charleston since 1995.
The message he plans to bring tonight comes “from the Dalai Lama’s heart,” he said. “I’m planning to speak about what the Dalai Lama’s heart is speaking to the world: peace, nonviolence, tolerance, understanding and working for the mutual benefit of China and Tibet.
“I try to explain in a common and peaceful means,” he said. “Bring the facts on the table and see through a different angle.
“If China is looking for economic prosperity, then, again, they need to change by improving the quality of human rights, freedom of religion, freedom of speech.”
Reach Click at (803) 771-8386.
Controversy, Not Crisis, Was Expected in China 422NPR
by Anthony Kuhn
Controversy, Not Crisis, Was Expected in China
NPR.org, April 22, 2008 · We foreign correspondents in China knew this was going to be a historic year, especially with the Olympics. I did not expect the run-up to the games to be free of controversy.
But I did not foresee that the unrest in Tibet and Olympics-related protests would turn into a national crisis of sorts for China. That crisis has now triggered a sharp nationalistic response and made this a defining moment that will affect how young Chinese perceive the West and vice versa.
Rather than an affirming patriotism, this backlash often manifests itself as an intolerant nationalism, as illustrated by two recent news items. In the case of Duke University freshman Grace Wang, pro-China protesters and Internet users labeled her a traitor — and hounded her parents in China into hiding — merely because she refused to stand with the pro-China group, communicated with the pro-Tibet students, and urged dialogue between the two camps.
Paralympic fencer Jin Jing, meanwhile, was hailed a national hero for defending the Olympic flame against protesters in Paris, only to be cursed as a turncoat when she refused to support a boycott of the French retail store Carrefour. Many Chinese have been dismayed by the irrationality of the Carrefour boycott, in light of the fact that it is a Sino-French joint venture that employs mostly Chinese people and sells mostly Chinese products.
It is, however, an easy target. And that can be said of the foreign media as well. Several of my colleagues have had their pictures and contacts posted on the Internet. Many of us have received death threats and hate mail. One or two have fled the country for security reasons. Others are just despondent at being the target of ill will from the population of our host country.
The Foreign Ministry's Information Department, which accredits foreign journalists and deals with us on a regular basis, is generally considered the part of the Chinese bureaucracy that "gets it" about foreign media. But in recent days, the tone of the departments' spokespersons has been unmistakably prickly.
Much of this is no doubt targeted at a domestic audience that is enraged by perceived bias of foreign media reporting on China, Tibet and the Olympics and expects the government to vigorously defend China's international image. Journalists and spokespersons are also, of course, citizens entitled to their points of view. But they're supposed to keep it professional.
The Foreign Ministry has generally shown that it understands that journalists' tough questions are not to be taken as an insult, and that foreign journalists will not and cannot work under the sort of censorship that our Chinese colleagues face. I'm sure this consensus will survive, but it's clearly exhibiting signs of strain.
In the long run, Chinese citizens and media must eventually become their own government's harshest critics. But because the current political system makes this impossible, Western critics' voices are for the moment louder — and this makes the Chinese defensive. This was the situation in Taiwan until then-President Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and its restrictions on the press in 1988, thereby relegating foreign media to a far more marginal role.
If you speak to Chinese people here, you know that their anger at recent events doesn't mean they have let their own government off the hook, and that there is not robust debate about democracy, press censorship and other issues going on in private. After the Olympics, or perhaps even sooner, the Chinese government will likely be back in the hot seat again. And perhaps both China and the world will have learned some important lessons about the dynamics of each others' governments, societies and public opinion.
The need for unanimity in China exacts a hidden price424国际先驱论坛报
the International Herald Tribune
LETTER FROM CHINA
The need for unanimity in China exacts a hidden price
By Howard W. FrenchGiven that Westerners have been inundated by biased news reports about China and Tibet in recent weeks, he wrote, "How can Chinese people and Chinese media make the foreign world understand the real China?"
For all the apparent simplicity and innocence of the question, behind it lies a world of complexity, along with the real potential for increasing conflict.
The pre-Olympic crisis in Tibet has revealed China and the West to each other in disturbing new ways. Even before concerns over serious human rights abuses in Tibet could fade, people who followed this story outside of China were given additional reasons to worry, by the vehement Chinese responses to virtually any criticism of their country.
In the United States this was brought home most powerfully by an incident that took place recently on the campus of Duke University, where a freshman from China, Grace Wang, was berated by Chinese students when she tried to mediate between pro-Tibetan demonstrators and a much larger group of pro-Chinese demonstrators during protests on campus. At one point a group of Chinese students surrounded her, taunting: "Remember Chai Ling? All Chinese want to burn her in oil, and you look like her," according to an account Wang wrote in The Washington Post. The reference was to a female leader in the student democracy protests in Beijing in 1989 that led to the Tiananmen massacre. Details of Wang's background were quickly revealed on the Duke Chinese Students and Scholars Association Web site, including directions to her parents' home in Qingdao. Feces quickly turned up on their doorstep, as the threats against them came pouring in, and Wang's parents eventually went into hiding. Even her high school back home convened a special assembly to condemn her for supposedly breaking with the motherland, and her diploma was revoked.
A good deal more revealing, though, has been a picture that has emerged during the crisis of a Chinese political system that remains devoted to the manufacture and enforcement, when need be, of unanimity on whatever is deemed a vital question.
Tibet and the Olympics both fit that bill, and saying anything but the "right thing" on either subject just won't do here.
In fact, if the state doesn't get you first, one risks having emotional, screaming mobs shouting you down, or worse, instead. People speak solemnly all the time about what "the Chinese people think" and about their feelings, as if unquestioned unanimity were the most natural of things, and moreover a conferral of moral legitimacy.
As China's power rises, the implications for the world are potentially quite profound. An implicit question, in fact, is already being posed: "How dare anyone offend our feelings?"
As a 57-year-old Chinese blogger, He Yanguang, recently pointed out, invoking memories of when a wave from Chairman Mao sufficed "and we all marched forth and really messed the country up," the price of unanimity can cut in other ways, too. "When the information we get all comes from one source, people's thinking will certainly not be rational," He wrote in his lonely warning. "We have had too many lessons and seen too many stupidities. Making a mistake is not a big deal. The big danger is making the same mistake again and again."
For many Chinese, meanwhile, events of recent weeks have revealed a West that is out to get their country, jealous of its successes and lying in wait for the right opportunity to pounce. The events in Tibet, with their Olympic background, provided the perfect chance, and virtually everything said or done by outsiders in relation to the crisis is seen in this light.
This sentiment was given catchy form in an entry in an Internet chat room under the title, "What do you want from us?"
"When we were labeled the 'sick man of Asia,' we were called a peril," the entry read. "When we are billed to be the next superpower, we're called the threat. When we closed our doors, you smuggled drugs to open markets. When we embrace free trade, you blame us for taking away your jobs."
As sentiment like this spread in recent weeks, so did Chinese expressions of outrage over perceived Western bullying and bias. The symbol of this movement became Jin Jing, a wheelchair athlete who carried the Olympic torch in Paris during its global circuit and managed to cling tightly to it as pro-Tibet protesters tried to snatch it away and extinguish the flame.
The Chinese media had a field day with these images, whose potency exceeded the wildest propagandists' dreams, and for several days the public here was inundated with them, as clear an illustration of Western perfidy as they were of Chinese nobility.
What followed was an angry boycott movement against the French retailer Carrefour, set off by an apparently unfounded rumor of a link between its owner and the country's recent Enemy No. 1, the Dalai Lama.
What then, does all of this have to do with the student's question to the journalism professor? The common narrative from 30,000 feet about China's rise has been all about the triumph of capitalism in a nominally communist country. China has opened up and joined the world, riding the great wave of globalization that is under way with the best of them. Look, they even have McDonald's! The differences between us are shrinking all the time, and fast.
This great story even holds true for the most part. It's the sticky bit at the end of the paragraph that demands more careful consideration and arguably, concern.
The great divide in perceptions over the Tibet crisis may indeed have revealed that the Western press is not perfectly accurate or credible, as the Chinese government and its carefully controlled media have wasted no effort in pointing out in recent weeks. To Westerners, this will come as no big surprise.