Tuesday, May 27, 2008
香港主教:中国极端民族主义带来真正危险
香港报纸转载意大利新闻报的报导说,罗马天主教香港枢机主教陈日君在5月11号接受该报采访的时候指出,应当警惕中国出现危险的极端民族主义。星期二,香港天主教社会传播处发表声明表示,意大利新闻报的报导是“迟来暨不合时的”。
意大利新闻报La Stampa星期一报导说,天主教香港枢机主教陈日君日前接受该报访问的时候指出,应当警惕极端的民族主义可能给中国带来的真正的危险。星期一,星期二,香港以及台湾的多家报纸转载了这篇报导。
香港天主教会:报导迟来暨不合时
香港天主教社会传播处星期二发表声明说,“陈日君枢机于本月11日到罗马公干,接受上述报章访问;当时四川大地震尚未发生。然而该报把这访问延至昨天(26号)才发表,而本港不少媒体予以转载,令人有张冠李戴的误会。”
声明说,“在原来的访问中,陈枢机评述各方面对中国传送奥运火炬的回应,包括来自欧洲各国、国内同胞、以及国外华人的反应。陈枢机希望中国在‘和平崛起’的大前提下,必须事事宽容大方,避免独裁之国家主义,因为疯狂的爱国主义会导致极端行动;为令意大利读者易于了解,他引用了法西斯主义为例,他希望中国避免独裁的帝国主义”。
香港天主教社会传播处星期二发表的声明说,“5月12日,四川大地震不幸发生,陈枢机马上致电回港,指示香港天主教会及香港明爱全力赈灾。17日,陈枢机由罗马回港,即亲自到港九圣堂呼吁”。
声明说,“过去两周,中国领导人处处显示‘以人为本’的应变策略,而且以开放手法赈灾,让欧、美、台湾、日本、韩国等救援人员相继进入灾区,让国内外传媒全面报导,连平时受限制的媒体亦能自由采访;中国的表现赢得国际人民的嘉许”。
香港开放杂志的执行编辑蔡咏梅表示,北京奥运会火炬在一些国家传递过程中,一些人所表现出来的情绪和做法令许多国家的公众明显地感到一种可怕的中国极端民族主义,还有人甚至在外国对北京的批评者大打出手。蔡咏梅表示,从这个意义上说,她赞同陈日君枢机主教要人们警惕中国出现极端爱国主义、民族主义。
她说:“中国大陆以前是专制政权压制人民,不容纳不同意见的声音。现在中国又出现民间多数人也不能容纳不同的意见和声音。”
蔡咏梅说,无论是在中国国内还是海外,哪个中国人胆敢在西藏等问题上发表跟政府不同的意见,就会遭到辱骂甚至是死亡威胁,这种气氛的确令人想到法西斯主义。
早些时候,一个留学美国的中国留学生因为在西藏问题上表达了跟政府不同的意见,认为应当倾听藏族人的意见,立即受到漫骂,其本人和在中国的家人也受到人身威胁。中国政府表示,不赞同进行这种威胁,但可以理解民众的爱国主义情绪。
Friday, May 16, 2008
Wang says admins lagged in response to threats
Issue date: 5/15/08 Section: News Last update: 5/15/08 at 7:50 AM EST
Media Credit: Zachary Tracer
Freshman Grace Wang said in an interview with CBS News aired May 10 that the University was slow to support her after she was threatened for her involvement in a Tibet demonstration April 9. In an interview with CBS News that aired May 10, sophomore Grace Wang complained that the University was slow to help her withstand the international uproar that followed her involvement in a campus protest in April.Wang said she attempted to act as a mediator between pro-Tibet and pro-China demonstrators who gathered April 9 on the Chapel Quadrangle, but some perceived her to be a supporter of the pro-Tibet faction-triggering threats on Wang's life and vandalism of her parents' home in China.The threats placed her under extreme emotional distress and made finishing the semester a struggle, Wang told correspondent Michelle Miller in the interview.She acknowledged that the University did support her in some ways, but only after she had petitioned administrators."After I requested to get the police protection, I got it, and after I requested to have extension of my finals, I also got it," she said. "I had to push the limit a little bit."Vice President for Student Affairs Larry Moneta, however, said the University did all it could to support Wang following the demonstration."We were deeply engaged in trying to provide all the support we could," he told Miller.
Wednesday, May 7, 2008
多维追击:王千源事件风波未止
DWNEWS.COM-- 2008年5月7日7:12:3(京港台时间) --多维新闻网
多维社记者柯宇倩报导/美国杜克大学校报《Chronicle》一篇由王千源友人所撰写的文章,甫贴出便引发“回帖大战”,质疑者在其中提出了王千源事件中的疑点,涉及到王千源的一系列叙说是否可信,但当事人直到目前为止都未出面说明。
《Chronicle》4月28日刊出“Witch hunt”一文,此文立即引发作者、支持中国者与反中国者之间的辩论大战,该文为自称王千源友人的斯考特•塞维特(Scott Savitt)所撰写,塞维特曾在中国求学,也曾在天安门现场陪学生守在英雄纪念碑下,他在文章中以自己的中国经历探讨了王千源事件。
虽然近日未再见到王千源或杜克中国学生学者联谊会的亲身说法,但是这篇文章所敘述的情况,引起回帖激辩,仍持续挖出事件的几个小插曲。
一、王千源第一次怎样来到杜克大学
其中第一个被人质疑的,就是塞维特叙述了王千源第一次来到杜克大学的情景说,因没有人接王千源,王千源自己叫了计程车来学校,迷了路,“她向我询问方向”,自己就这么认识了王,后来与王成为好友。
一篇4月28日所发、署名为“中国人”的文章率先对塞维特的说法提出疑问:
“你说你在王千源第一天到杜克时第一次见到她,‘当时她坐在计程车内,她向我询问方向。’但你知道那是一名中国学生学者联谊会的人去机场接她的吗?”
当日另一篇署名为“中国学生”的文章更清楚质疑塞维特曾说过:“我是王小姐到达杜克时第一个遇见的人,在新生训练的当晚,她坐在计程车里,试图找寻东校园的路……我立刻听出她是从中国来的,便以中文欢迎她,自从那时候起我们成为朋友。”“中国学生”问道:希拉里曾说她到波西尼亚时遭到狙击,难道这是类似希拉里的错误吗?
曾担任《合众国际社》、《洛杉矶时报》驻北京特派员,目前为杜克大学访问学者的塞维特,先是否认上述质疑,他表示,在与王千源确定此事后,他得知当时没有任何学生会的成员到机场接她,王千源是自行搭计程车到校园的。
然而,4月29日署名为“王千源:另一个骗子”的文章明确点出接机者的名字是Cong Jin与她的先生,在回程的路上,王千源与这对夫妻谈论了对政治的兴趣,甚至提及在白宫实习的男友。
虽然塞维特仍旧表示当时计程车内只有王千源一人,但随后有人告知了Cong Jin的电邮,塞维特联络了这位女士,并在4月30日张贴了Cong Jin的回信,信中写道:
“是的,我先生和我自愿去机场接王小姐,她的班机延误了一天,我们在深夜去接她,将她送到Costco附近的旅馆,隔日上午,我先生和我再度将她从旅馆接到东校园。在那里,一个男孩给予欢迎,并为王小姐做登记,我们也帮王小姐将行李送到宿舍里。”
在王千源受骚扰后经常给予意见的塞维特,公开就此事道了歉,并表示再次向王千源确定的结果:当时Cong Jin与先生已将她送至定点,王千源是在出门购物时迷了路;不过塞维特仍为王千源辩护,不容他人质疑王千源的诚信。
然而Cong Jin随后也跟帖指出塞维特未经她同意便公开她的回信,且未全文刊出,而塞维特的回覆内容也仅在留言版上张贴,并未回覆到她的信箱。
Cong Jin补充,她是从中国学生会的新生服务部门取得王千源的资讯,她选择接送王千源的原因,仅是那段时间她正好有空。
塞维特再次因Cong Jin的不满道了歉。
多维追击:王千源事件风波未止(2)
DWNEWS.COM-- 2008年5月8日2:59:0(京港台时间) --多维新闻网
多维社记者柯宇倩报导/美国杜克大学校报《Chronicle》一篇由王千源友人斯考特•塞维特(Scott Savitt)所撰写的文章,甫贴出便引发“回帖大战”,质疑者在其中提出王千源事件中的疑点,涉及到王千源的一系列叙说是否可信,但当事人直到目前为止都未出面说明
4月28日,塞维特在校报刊出的“Witchhunt”一文中为王千源辩护,指称整件事的幕後推手为中国政府,且在西藏骚动后,他便要求中国学生会主席管制该会网络讨论区的攻击言论,但学生会主席并未采取行动,最后引爆“王千源事件”。塞维特也要求身在美国的中国人了解,他们所在的是一个言论自由之地。
不过回帖中有人针对王千源的诚信度进行辩论,认为整件事的关键在于:王千源是否是个会捏造事实的人,若她在一些事件上的说法不属实,那麽在个人资料被公开的事件爆发后,她对媒体所陈述的事实,可信度也应受质疑。
二、王千源是否曾与西藏人同住?
5月1日,署名“致斯考特”的留言提出另一个疑点。文章写道:“我也想分享一位住在东校园的大学部朋友告诉我的故事。王千源不断宣称杜克共有五名来自西藏的大学生,其中四位是她的好友。”留言指出王千源在《华盛顿邮报》的文章里表示自己曾在2007年寒假时与四名藏人住了三星期,在这段时间里,她想法有了改变,也是促使她在4月9日傍晚站出来的原因;但“不幸的是,这对我们来说似乎不是事实。”该帖作者要求塞维特求证。
王千源先前将自己的想法投稿到《华盛顿邮报》,该篇文章写道:
“圣诞假期时,所有的美国学生都回家了,但是对中国学生来说回家的旅费太贵了。因为宿舍和食堂都关门了,我在校外租房子住了三个多星期,和四个西藏同学一起。
虽然我们来自同一个国家,可是在此之前,我从来没有亲眼见过一个西藏人,更别提和他们交谈了。在这段时间里,我们每天一起做饭,一起吃饭,一起玩牌和下棋。当然,我们也讨论我们在中国的两端长大所经历的不同的生活。这种交流开阔了我的眼界……在三周里我们谈了很多,当然我们交谈时都是用的中文……4月9日傍晚发生的事情让我想起了这些回忆。”
协助王千源完成此投稿文章的塞维特在5月2日回应道,4月16日深夜,在王千源口述下,他打出了这篇文章,他们在凌晨3时完成,并在休息几小时后寄到《华盛顿邮报》,在时间等种种压力下,出错在所难免。但塞维特仍向一位藏族学生表示想见面好厘清问题的意愿,且已约订4月21日为见面时间,只是这些学生最后取消会面。
塞维特认为,这些藏族学生若对《华盛顿邮报》的文章有异议,应直接与他们交谈,而不是在取消会面后,私下向第三者表达,滋长了谣言,他相信这其中应只是误会,或是沟通上的问题。
当日署名“美籍华人”的留言提出更多疑问:王千源到底有没有与西藏学生住一块?西藏学生是否宣称他们从未与王千源同住过?这些学生是来自中国的国际学生?就他们在圣诞节未回家的情况看来,他们不是美籍藏人,因此,他们是否在中国仍有家人,所以完全不想涉入这件事?
塞维特答道,这些藏人的确不想涉入此事,他们也确实来自中国、仍有家人在那里,但到底他们有没有与王千源同住,需面对面来厘清问题,而其中一名藏族学生甚至在报纸上发表了言论,但对王千源来说,这些言论是不对的。塞维特表示,想弄清楚哪里出了错,必须当面讲清楚,只是这些藏人最终取消了这场会面;他已建议王千源与其中一位最能信赖的藏族学生谈谈。 不过塞维特随后补充道,他发现部分藏族学生已回家,但他往后仍会将取得的讯息公开在留言版上。
三、王千源改名重新申请大学?
另一篇在4月14日发表、留言者为“给那些准备好接受中国痛击”的文章中,作者质疑杜克校报报导偏颇,并指出王千源曾在2006年申请几所美国大学,但均未被录取,接着王千源改了名字,重新准备申请文件、重考SAT、且疑似整容后,隔年再度申请美国大学,终于进入杜克。留言者称此为“欺骗”行为。
在众多回帖中,也有人转录了一篇自称王千源室友所描述的王千源:
“王千源告诉我,王千源如何参与一个由中国一流律师组成的政治团体。他们想将天安门事件的真相披露出来,还就此问题写文章与博客。
有一天,王千源的一个朋友,也是那个政治团体中的一个人,突然消失了。一些人打电话告诉王千源,王千源去了朋友的住处找她,所有的方法都试了,但就是找不到失踪者。王千源和她的父母吓坏了。王千源还说自己的父亲是青岛前市长,也担心女儿面临同样的命运,去政府部门将王千源的档案销毁了。然后王用了新的名字,很快跑到韩国。当时,王千源告诉我们她已经辍学,因为看不起山东最好的高中。她跑到了韩国,在那里看美国电影学英语。在韩国她还睡了不少男人。然后她申请哈佛被拒。第二年她重新申请了哈佛、普林斯顿,耶鲁和杜克大学。除了哈佛外其他的学校都同意录取她。
现在当然我们都知道了她是个骗子。她根本没有去过韩国,甚至也没有参加过那样的异议政治团体。她甚至告诉同学们她自己给自己写的大学推荐信。让她在显得很突出,她那时编造故事给大学,现在,给西方媒体。”
王千源先前已否认这篇“室友博客”的真实性,她表示,自己都是一个人住。不过多维社连日来试图与王千源取得联系,好厘清“Witchhunt”文章回帖中的疑点均未果,王千源未回电邮,也未接起电话。
而塞维特在留言版描述了王千源的近况:她目前正为课业奋战,上周她甚至突然无法呼吸以致昏厥,而她的父母仍无法回家。
Time to rein in the Tiger of Chinese Nationalism
XIAOXIONG YI
Tuesday, May 6, 2008
It is a known fact that Chinese nationalism gets hysterical every once in a while. In the last 12 years, for example, the United States has had at least three serious confrontations with the Chinese nationalism:
In March 1996, Chinese conducted major live fire exercises in the Taiwan Strait and fired missiles off the coasts of Taiwan in "response" to what China considered Taiwan's provocations and U.S. violation of Chinese national sovereignty. The U.S. sent in two carrier battle groups and the crisis wound down.
In May 1999, the U.S. accidentally bombed the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade, resulting in massive anti-American and nationalistic demonstrations in Beijing and all other major Chinese cities as well as violent attacks on American embassy and consulates there.
In April 2001, an American reconnaissance plane collided with a Chinese fighter, 60 miles off China's southern coast. Chinese propaganda machines were once again replete with "anti-hegemonic" and nationalistic outcries.
Most recently, Chinese nationalism went off once again, this time over the issues of Tibet and Beijing Olympics. Feeling their country's sovereignty being violated and Western media has "demonized" their "beloved homeland," demonstrators took to the streets in Beijing, Xi'an in Northeast China, Jinan, Qingdao and Hefei in East China, Wuhan in Central China, Harbin and Dalian in Northeast China, and Kunming in Southwest China, chanting "Oppose Tibet independence," "Go, Go Beijing Olympics," and "CNN: The world's leader of liars."
Outside China, thousands of overseas Chinese have turned out for rallies to support the passage of the Olympic Torch during its painful and humiliating relay around the globe. Some Chinese students even launched a website called "Anti-CNN.com" to expose what they see as Western media's biased coverage against China and an open letter posted on the website asked all Chinese people to "rise up against the Western Goebbels' Nazi media."
As another round of nationalistic tide is rising in China, it is important to ask the question: What is the cause of this surge of Chinese nationalism?
Many regard nationalism in China as nothing but a brainchild of Chinese communist leadership. As Paul Lin of Taipei Times puts it, "The timing of when nationalism vents is entirely decided by the Chinese Communist Party because in China any parades or assemblies must first receive its approval. The online tirades of the country's angry youth are also controlled by the party."
Moreover, analysts believe with the demise of communist ideology in China, there is a deep insecurity within Chinese leadership. China's leaders face a disturbing paradox: the more developed and prosperous the country becomes, the more insecure and threatened they feel. As a result, leaders in Beijing are willing to let the tiger of nationalist xenophobia out of its cage.
While there is no doubt that Beijing does link its legitimacy to its role in promoting and defending Chinese nationalism, this time around things are different. With the Summer Olympics only less than 100 days away, it could not come at a worse time for the Chinese leaders to fan the nationalist flames and the last thing Beijing wants to see is to turn their Olympic slogan-"One World, One Dream"-into something like "One World, One Nightmare."
In truth, this new round of anger and outcries in China reflects not a Chinese leadership manipulation, but an increasingly assertive, grassroots nationalism amongst ordinary Chinese, especially among China's youth.
Consider Grace Wang's case. Wang is a Chinese freshman studying at Duke University. During a recent demonstration attended by Tibetan and pro-China groups, she tried to persuade Chinese students to learn more about Tibet. For this she was castigated as a traitor and viciously attacked. "Salted with ugly rumors and manipulated photographs," Shaila Dewan of New York Times reports, "the story of the young woman who was said to have taken sides with Tibet spread through China's most popular Web sites, at each stop generating hundreds or thousands of raging, derogatory posts, some even suggesting that Ms. Wang be burned in oil."
James Lilley, former U.S. ambassador to China and to Korea, once warned, "The Chinese have an old saying: When you ride a tiger, it is hard to dismount. China is now riding the tiger of nationalism, and unless it soon realizes how damaging its actions are to its own interests, it may be too late to get off." If Chinese leaders can't get off, they may have to rein the tiger in.
China is becoming the big man of Asia. Before the world will welcome it as a rising superpower, however, the Chinese have to realize the dangers of a strident and angry nationalism to its international image.
Dr. Xiaoxiong Yi is a professor at Marietta College and director of the China Institute.
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Do you really believe China cares if the world welcomes it as a super power, come on, they are one and their goal will be to bury us just like about 3/4's of the world, only they have the means to do itPosted: Tue May 06, 2008 10:06 pm
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Originally published May 6, 2008
Sunday, April 27, 2008
Police patrol girl protester's home
Shanghai Daily Home 2008-4-25
http://www.shanghaidaily.com/sp/article/2008/200804/20080425/article_357172.htm
WANG Deyu, father of Duke University student Grace Wang, has remained at work and seldom returns home in Qingdao, Shandong Province, these days after his daughter became a target of protests for her support of "Free Tibet" protestors in the United States."Wang refused a meeting with the police on matters of individual harassment outside his apartment. He said he does not need police protection," said Liu Guoxiang, a police officer of Qingdao Public Security Bureau.Wang, a human resource manager in Qingdao City has shunned contact with the outside.Protest slogans such as "Wake up. No Fun to Be a Traitor" were painted on the wall outside Wang's apartment."We have cleaned the graffiti, and are preparing to whitewash the wall," said Dai Guilan, a senior woman in charge of the residential committee of Zhenjiang Road, where Wang's home is.She said the neighborhood was not disturbed, nor were there any signs of protest, despite calls for such on the Internet. Many neighbors did not even know of the matter, she said."We don't see Wang Deyu and his wife very often. They seldom lived here even before the incident," said Dai.Wang's daughter, Wang Qianyuan, more widely known since the incident at Duke University by her English name of Grace Wang, was criticized by her fellow Chinese students for siding with "Free Tibet" supporters. She was reported to have used blue body paint to write "Save Tibet" slogans on the bare back of one of the organizers of an anti-China protest on her campus.The local police in Qingdao said they reinforced patrols around the neighborhood of Wang's apartment to prevent "extreme activities," without explaining what activities they expected. They have also maintained "hotline contacts" with the residential committee and Wang's close neighbors for clues of harassment.Although Wang Deyu was not available for comment, a manager from Wang's firm, Yang Zongjun, told Xinhua that Wang "worked as usual." "We didn't see anything strange. He just doesn't want to be disturbed by the incident," said Yang.Xinhua
Thursday, April 24, 2008
王千源父母的住所遭受破坏RFA419新西兰资讯网
王千源父母家所在的青岛市北仲路派出所接受本台粤语组查询时证实,王千源父母家遭破坏,但拒绝透露详情。记者问:听说他家被破坏,也有恐吓。派出所的工作人员说:“是。”记者问:他们有没有报警?你们在调查吗?他回答:“我们不能向媒体发表意见,请向市公安局查询。”
记者多次致电青岛市公安局宣传处的电话,但都没有人接听。而王千源母校青岛市第二中学的电话则无法接通。
本 台联络上与王千源同年毕业的青岛二中学生。记者一提起王千源,他就立即划清界线,表示与她并不相识。他说,王千源仅在青岛二中读了一年,在校内的人际关系 并不活跃,也不算是高材生,不知道为何她能到美国留学。他甚至质疑当日学校收错了学生。他说:“她只在二中读了一年,我们同学都不认识她。她不是甚么高材 生,可能当初学校收生有点问题。”记者问:“但是去年她去美国时报章也有报道,说她成绩好。”他说:“我不知道她为甚么可以出国留学,学校可能为了保护 她,同时也为学校作了一点宣传。”
他还说,不支持攻击王千源家人和破坏王家住所的行为。他相信,发表激烈言论的网民只是出于一番爱国热情,并没有恶意,相信实际上会破坏王家住所的人属极少数。
王千源就读的美国杜克大学接受本台查询时表示,校方已向王千源提供各方面帮助,包括安排社工见面,以及与警方、王千源所属学系、校内的中国同学会,以及王千源的朋友保持联系,暂时并没有迹象显示王千源在校园内会有危险。
杜 克大学中国学生学者联谊会监委会一名成员也表示,同学间对这次事件并没有太多讨论,反而在中国网民讨论激烈。他认为,网民攻击和骚扰王千源在青岛的家人的 行为过份。他说:“每个人都有每个人的立场,王千源只是表达了她个人的观点和立场,其他人也有其他人的立场,也可以对其他人的立场有自己的看法,这都是可 以理解的。对于国内网友一些过激的行动,我是反对的。”
中国官方新华网周五转载了《新快报》有关王千源的报道。报道引述王千源同学的话, 表示王千源当天只希望促使支持和反对西藏运动的示威者交谈。报道又转载了王千源的公开信,表明王千源并非支持西藏独立,但认为若步步相逼,只会化友为敌, 将原本和平的西藏民众迫上梁山,最终造成不可收拾的局面。报道还引述了网上有关攻击和同情王千源的讨论,表示把王千源视为汉奸的定论下得太早。
这次风波源于上周三奥运圣火在美国旧金山市传递当日,杜克大学校园里有支持和反对西藏运动的示威,王千源尝试调停,有关录像被放上网之后,中国网民开始大肆攻击王千源,指责她支持西藏独立分裂中国,她和家人的个人资料,包括住址、电话以致身份证号码等被通通放上网。
自由亚洲电台张丽明报道
她想借机会出头也算是机关算尽。不过不会有什么结果的。很快就会被边缘化的。
袭击她父母住所的行为绝对不应该。不过你到美国扯起本。拉登的像试试?你父母在美国的家也免不了挨石头。
估计她是交钱进的重点学校那种学生吧
维基百科中的王千源事件
王千源事件是美国杜克大学一年级中國女留学生王千源,因為在2008年4月9日在杜克大学内的一次支持中國政府与支持西藏流亡政府的示威中被部分中國留学生和網民指以支持藏独的立场出现,并被指称为“汉奸”,在中国国内外引起巨大爭議,并引发了一系列大量针对王及其家人的谴责言论和惡意攻擊的事件。4月17日CCTV网站在首页上将其称为“最丑陋留学生”。[1]王后来辩称自己是以中间调停人的身份出现,并否认自己支持藏独[2]。事件受到包括各华文媒体和《纽约时报》和《华盛顿邮报》等西方媒体的关注。[2][3][4]
目录[隐藏] |
事件
2008年4月9日,受到奥运圣火传递风波的影响,杜克大学内同时举行了支持中國政府与支持西藏流亡政府的示威。当时在支持西藏示威人群中间的中国人就被学生大喊“叛徒”[5]。王千源首先在东校区出现,与中国学生用英文辩论,并为西藏支持者在背上书写“Free Tibet, Save Tibet”的标语。后来又出现在西校区两边示威人群当中,摆出了“T”手势,并試圖與雙方領導人接觸,促使他們對話,但遭雙方拒絕[2]。后来和反藏独学生争论,引起了在场许多华人的注意,并被拍摄了照片,视频[6]。并有报道称,王千源接受NPR采访时说,说她对布什總統表态说不抵制北京奥运非常失望。[7]
据《纽约时报》引述,当时王劝说一名支持西藏示威的组织者不要针对杜克学生,应该与对方对话,该组织者表示对话不会有任何帮助。文章同时提到一名中 国学生,称王“虽然自称调停人,但并没有跟任何组织者沟通。”,并称当时仅有少数留学生对她比较愤怒,但有很多学生试图保护她,事实上大多数人不认为她罪 大恶极、必须受这样的对待[3]。
王千源接受杜克大学校报《Chronicle》的采访时,责怪杜克的中国学生学者联谊会(CSSA)透过电子邮件系统,协助散播她的个人资讯。三名中国学生学者联谊会的成员在一份公开信件中解释,邮件清单是对外公开的,他们也认为那些对王千源的言语攻击是“折磨且可恶的”,所有王千源的个人资讯与冒犯文章均已移除。
事后,为支持自由西藏人士写标语,摆出“T”手势(由于类似手势被当时的很多藏独支持者使用,被许多人认为是反对北京奥运口号“One World, One Dream”的手势,或代表“西藏”(Tibet)),及将西藏的雪山狮子旗与香港区旗相提并论激怒了当时在场的部分华人学生,后来有人将王的照片和相关视频上传到网上,称之为“汉奸”。
民众反应
王千源的照片和视频迅速在网上流传,大量网民谴责其支持藏独,分裂祖国,网上还充斥着对王的辱骂和威胁。随后王的个人资料(包括其生日、身份证号码、住址、学校和父母的姓名和工作单位)都被公布到网上。王收到大量威胁恐吓的电子邮件[2],王千源的朋友在一封信上称,王在青岛的住所被人用石头攻击[8],还有照片称说其住所被人潑糞、投擲花盆及涂鸦。王在接受自由亞洲電臺采訪時表示由于受到騷擾,她當前已經沒法去上課,正受到當地警方的保護。[9]
隨著事實(包括王當日的言論以及王對西藏所持的立場)逐漸清晰,部分網友對王期望表達的內容表示理解,並對王及其家人受到文革式的人身攻擊表示同情。但另一方面,他們認為王在對峙中試圖表達自己想法是缺乏考量的。
回应
当日,为了澄清自己的立场,王千源写了一封对杜克校友的公开信,主张对西藏既是中国领土,在该议题上要谨慎行事[10]:
孙子曰: 穷寇莫追。亦言:损刚益柔。老子云:上善若水。战略上,攻心为上。天时不如地利,地利不如人和。成大事者,能忍人之不能忍,方为人所不能为。为中华之崛 起,此方为用人之时,我们要有容人之度,容人之量。我不是让你消极等待,而是积极备战,消除怒气,头脑才会清晰,思维才能敏捷,决断才会正确,看清局势, 方可从容应对。两个拳师相对,聪明的拳师往往后退一步,让对方露出破绽,然后一招知命。愚蠢的拳师一上来便大施拳脚,使出全部看家本领,反而会被对方摸出 门路,为敌牵制。如今我们初来美国,立身未稳,如此头脑发热,意气用事,后果不堪设想。岂不闻“棍棒之下无孝子”,拳头威逼之下,别人的满口应承哪里能是 真心?因而应该以德治国,以理服人,退避三舍而后发,卧薪尝胆而后能,而非图一时之快,争一朝之胜负。汉武帝的“有为而治”之初用了一招非常厉害的“无为而治”的“推恩令”,表面上遵从各藩属国的意愿,恩泽四方,实则将大国化为无数无法作为的小国,矛盾自解。我们应该努力让道义的天平倾向于自己,把舆论压力留给对手,让他们的拳头打在蜘蛛网上,让其像小丑一般自讨苦吃,何必苦苦相争,反而给自己造成无限烦恼?
针对民众对她的指控,她在接受《明報》采訪時一一做出回应。她称自己从来没有举起过雪山狮子旗。并称網上流傳其父的《謝罪信》和一篇「室友博客」均为伪造。此外,她称自己的手势意思是让双方暂停争吵;帮人写的“Free Tibet”意为自由,而非独立[11]。
4月18日,自由亞洲電臺播出對王千源的獨家專訪,王對中國民眾的圍攻表示[9]:
我感到很意外。但他们可以这样对我,也可以这样对别人。我只是他们的一个靶子。中国人现在这种很奇怪的“愤青”状态是心理不平衡的一种表现,是一种变态的所谓爱国方式,但实际上绝对不是在爱国。他们标榜自己,攻击别人。
她并表示這像是歷史回潮,與文化大革命十分相似。她又表示秦朝滅亡的原因在于暴政。[9]
王千源后来在接受美国全国公共广播电台采访时称:“当时双方的观点都很典型,都不了解实情,我想促使他们对话。”[1]她在随后接受媒体采访时称自己“并不是那些想伤害中国的‘汉奸’的一员”[3],而是想澄清真相,“抵制網絡暴行的蔓延”[2]。
参考文献
- ^ CCTV网站首页:“最丑陋的留学生”
- ^ 2.0 2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 王千源遭網民圍剿 斡旋護聖火團藏獨者對話 留學女生被斥漢奸.明报新闻网.
- ^ 3.0 3.1 3.2 Chinese Student in U.S. Is Caught in Confrontation.纽约时报.
- ^ Caught in the Middle, Called a Traitor.华盛顿邮报.
- ^ PRO-TIBET, PRO-CHINA PROTESTERS CLASH ON QUAD.The Chronicle Online.
- ^ 游行当天视频.YouTube.
- ^ 王千源事件始末及熱評 西楚網
- ^ China: Fallout from the Free Tibet protests.GlocalVoices.
- ^ 9.0 9.1 9.2 就西藏问题发表己见遭攻击 留美学生王千源接受专访谈困境.自由亞洲電臺.
- ^ 王千源事件始末及熱評 西楚網
- ^ “斡旋護聖火團藏獨者對話 被指漢奸 留美生遭網民圍剿 老家遭擲花盆潑糞”,明报新闻网,2008年4月19日.
外部链接
BBC介绍王千源事件423
美国北卡罗莱纳州杜克大学的中国女留学生王千源(Grace Wang),旧金山奥运火炬接力期间,由于支持西藏抗议者而被许多中国人指为"汉奸",成为网络愤怒的众矢之的。
王千源坚持说她并不支持西藏独立。据报道,22岁的王千源曾经帮助一名支持西藏独立的活动分子在后背上写上"自由西藏,挽救西藏"的标语。
王千源在《华盛顿邮报》上发表文章,说自己在校园抗议中尝试在对立阵营中充当"调停人",两个阵营里头的人她都认识,不过却因此被夹在中间,遭到中国学生的诋毁和恐吓。 ![]()
据报道,王千源在青岛的家人也受到骚扰及威胁。王千源对媒体表示她目前已经不能上课,并受到当地警方的保护。她还说十分担心她在中国父母的安全。
据报道,中国中央电视台网站本月17日在首页还以"最丑陋的留学生"刊登了王千源的照片和影片。
许多人在网上对王千源发出人身威胁。有人认为她所作的一切都是为了出名,还有人说她只不过是走获得美国绿卡的捷径。 ![]()
暴政既有可能出于政府,也有可能出于人民 ![]()
王千源对自己受到谩骂和攻击感到很意外。她说,一些 中国人在此事上表现出的愤怒状态表现出他们心理不平衡,是变态的爱国方式,类似于"文革"时期的狂热。
她接受自由亚洲电台采访时说,"希望一个国家有更强大的人民,而不是一个强大的政府逼迫人民连话都不敢说……我担心的是,这个暴政既有可能出于政府,也有可能出于人民,这太可怕了。"
Duke 423讨论
S.C. Tibetan speaker wants to discuss peace
By CAROLYN CLICKcclick@thestate.com
When the spiritual leader of the Charleston Tibetan Society and the S.C. Dharma Group comes to USC tonight, he wants to sit down in a peaceful atmosphere to talk about ways China and Tibet can restore their severed relationship.
For many years, “China and Tibet lived together,” Geshe Dakpa Topgyal said Tuesday in a telephone interview. “We treated China as our uncle, and they treated us as a nephew.”
Now, he said, China wants to openly destroy that nephew, wiping out the cultural and religious traditions Tibetans have cherished for centuries.
With reports of heightened clashes between China and Tibet making front-page news, emotions have heated up on college campuses between pro-Chinese and pro-Tibetan protesters.
Passions run high, as witnessed in a heated exchange at 423 University two weeks ago. Chinese student Grace Wang tried to mediate a campus protest between 400 pro-Chinese demonstrators and 12 protesters making the case for Tibetan independence.
Within hours, she was receiving Internet death threats, and her parents were forced into hiding after protesters painted death threats outside their apartment in the Chinese city of Qingdao.
USC has worked to quell any possible outbursts, said Michael Scardaville, a history professor and adviser to the campus chapter of Amnesty International, which is sponsoring the discussion.
Pro-China students will be able to present their ideas and literature in the lobby of Gambrell Hall, where the talk will take place, he said.
“What we are certainly trying to do is create a safe environment for people to express their points of view,” said Scardaville, who plans to meet with the president of the Chinese student association before the talk.
Topgyal is intimately familiar with Chinese repression toward Tibet, the high plateau region within the People’s Republic of China.
Tibet declared itself independent from China in the early 1900s but was forced to accept China’s sovereignty after a 1949 military invasion. The Dalai Lama is the head of the Tibet government in exile.
After the military crackdown was completed in 1959, Topgyal’s family lived quietly until 1968, when the Chinese finally built navigable roads to his ancestral home. The family was forced to flee when he was 6, traveling across the Himalayas in an eight-day trek to reach Nepal in neighboring India.
“No horse, no yak, no nothing,” he said.
Topgyal entered the Drepung Loseling Monastic University in India, the famous Tibetan monastery that the communists had shuttered in Lhasa, killing and imprisoning many of the monks. It was re-opened in exile in India.
He later spent 10 years teaching in Europe before coming to America. Topgyal has been in Charleston since 1995.
The message he plans to bring tonight comes “from the Dalai Lama’s heart,” he said. “I’m planning to speak about what the Dalai Lama’s heart is speaking to the world: peace, nonviolence, tolerance, understanding and working for the mutual benefit of China and Tibet.
“I try to explain in a common and peaceful means,” he said. “Bring the facts on the table and see through a different angle.
“If China is looking for economic prosperity, then, again, they need to change by improving the quality of human rights, freedom of religion, freedom of speech.”
Reach Click at (803) 771-8386.
Controversy, Not Crisis, Was Expected in China 422NPR
by Anthony Kuhn
Controversy, Not Crisis, Was Expected in China
NPR.org, April 22, 2008 · We foreign correspondents in China knew this was going to be a historic year, especially with the Olympics. I did not expect the run-up to the games to be free of controversy.
But I did not foresee that the unrest in Tibet and Olympics-related protests would turn into a national crisis of sorts for China. That crisis has now triggered a sharp nationalistic response and made this a defining moment that will affect how young Chinese perceive the West and vice versa.
Rather than an affirming patriotism, this backlash often manifests itself as an intolerant nationalism, as illustrated by two recent news items. In the case of Duke University freshman Grace Wang, pro-China protesters and Internet users labeled her a traitor — and hounded her parents in China into hiding — merely because she refused to stand with the pro-China group, communicated with the pro-Tibet students, and urged dialogue between the two camps.
Paralympic fencer Jin Jing, meanwhile, was hailed a national hero for defending the Olympic flame against protesters in Paris, only to be cursed as a turncoat when she refused to support a boycott of the French retail store Carrefour. Many Chinese have been dismayed by the irrationality of the Carrefour boycott, in light of the fact that it is a Sino-French joint venture that employs mostly Chinese people and sells mostly Chinese products.
It is, however, an easy target. And that can be said of the foreign media as well. Several of my colleagues have had their pictures and contacts posted on the Internet. Many of us have received death threats and hate mail. One or two have fled the country for security reasons. Others are just despondent at being the target of ill will from the population of our host country.
The Foreign Ministry's Information Department, which accredits foreign journalists and deals with us on a regular basis, is generally considered the part of the Chinese bureaucracy that "gets it" about foreign media. But in recent days, the tone of the departments' spokespersons has been unmistakably prickly.
Much of this is no doubt targeted at a domestic audience that is enraged by perceived bias of foreign media reporting on China, Tibet and the Olympics and expects the government to vigorously defend China's international image. Journalists and spokespersons are also, of course, citizens entitled to their points of view. But they're supposed to keep it professional.
The Foreign Ministry has generally shown that it understands that journalists' tough questions are not to be taken as an insult, and that foreign journalists will not and cannot work under the sort of censorship that our Chinese colleagues face. I'm sure this consensus will survive, but it's clearly exhibiting signs of strain.
In the long run, Chinese citizens and media must eventually become their own government's harshest critics. But because the current political system makes this impossible, Western critics' voices are for the moment louder — and this makes the Chinese defensive. This was the situation in Taiwan until then-President Chiang Ching-kuo lifted martial law and its restrictions on the press in 1988, thereby relegating foreign media to a far more marginal role.
If you speak to Chinese people here, you know that their anger at recent events doesn't mean they have let their own government off the hook, and that there is not robust debate about democracy, press censorship and other issues going on in private. After the Olympics, or perhaps even sooner, the Chinese government will likely be back in the hot seat again. And perhaps both China and the world will have learned some important lessons about the dynamics of each others' governments, societies and public opinion.
The need for unanimity in China exacts a hidden price424国际先驱论坛报
the International Herald Tribune
LETTER FROM CHINA
The need for unanimity in China exacts a hidden price
By Howard W. FrenchGiven that Westerners have been inundated by biased news reports about China and Tibet in recent weeks, he wrote, "How can Chinese people and Chinese media make the foreign world understand the real China?"
For all the apparent simplicity and innocence of the question, behind it lies a world of complexity, along with the real potential for increasing conflict.
The pre-Olympic crisis in Tibet has revealed China and the West to each other in disturbing new ways. Even before concerns over serious human rights abuses in Tibet could fade, people who followed this story outside of China were given additional reasons to worry, by the vehement Chinese responses to virtually any criticism of their country.
In the United States this was brought home most powerfully by an incident that took place recently on the campus of Duke University, where a freshman from China, Grace Wang, was berated by Chinese students when she tried to mediate between pro-Tibetan demonstrators and a much larger group of pro-Chinese demonstrators during protests on campus. At one point a group of Chinese students surrounded her, taunting: "Remember Chai Ling? All Chinese want to burn her in oil, and you look like her," according to an account Wang wrote in The Washington Post. The reference was to a female leader in the student democracy protests in Beijing in 1989 that led to the Tiananmen massacre. Details of Wang's background were quickly revealed on the Duke Chinese Students and Scholars Association Web site, including directions to her parents' home in Qingdao. Feces quickly turned up on their doorstep, as the threats against them came pouring in, and Wang's parents eventually went into hiding. Even her high school back home convened a special assembly to condemn her for supposedly breaking with the motherland, and her diploma was revoked.
A good deal more revealing, though, has been a picture that has emerged during the crisis of a Chinese political system that remains devoted to the manufacture and enforcement, when need be, of unanimity on whatever is deemed a vital question.
Tibet and the Olympics both fit that bill, and saying anything but the "right thing" on either subject just won't do here.
In fact, if the state doesn't get you first, one risks having emotional, screaming mobs shouting you down, or worse, instead. People speak solemnly all the time about what "the Chinese people think" and about their feelings, as if unquestioned unanimity were the most natural of things, and moreover a conferral of moral legitimacy.
As China's power rises, the implications for the world are potentially quite profound. An implicit question, in fact, is already being posed: "How dare anyone offend our feelings?"
As a 57-year-old Chinese blogger, He Yanguang, recently pointed out, invoking memories of when a wave from Chairman Mao sufficed "and we all marched forth and really messed the country up," the price of unanimity can cut in other ways, too. "When the information we get all comes from one source, people's thinking will certainly not be rational," He wrote in his lonely warning. "We have had too many lessons and seen too many stupidities. Making a mistake is not a big deal. The big danger is making the same mistake again and again."
For many Chinese, meanwhile, events of recent weeks have revealed a West that is out to get their country, jealous of its successes and lying in wait for the right opportunity to pounce. The events in Tibet, with their Olympic background, provided the perfect chance, and virtually everything said or done by outsiders in relation to the crisis is seen in this light.
This sentiment was given catchy form in an entry in an Internet chat room under the title, "What do you want from us?"
"When we were labeled the 'sick man of Asia,' we were called a peril," the entry read. "When we are billed to be the next superpower, we're called the threat. When we closed our doors, you smuggled drugs to open markets. When we embrace free trade, you blame us for taking away your jobs."
As sentiment like this spread in recent weeks, so did Chinese expressions of outrage over perceived Western bullying and bias. The symbol of this movement became Jin Jing, a wheelchair athlete who carried the Olympic torch in Paris during its global circuit and managed to cling tightly to it as pro-Tibet protesters tried to snatch it away and extinguish the flame.
The Chinese media had a field day with these images, whose potency exceeded the wildest propagandists' dreams, and for several days the public here was inundated with them, as clear an illustration of Western perfidy as they were of Chinese nobility.
What followed was an angry boycott movement against the French retailer Carrefour, set off by an apparently unfounded rumor of a link between its owner and the country's recent Enemy No. 1, the Dalai Lama.
What then, does all of this have to do with the student's question to the journalism professor? The common narrative from 30,000 feet about China's rise has been all about the triumph of capitalism in a nominally communist country. China has opened up and joined the world, riding the great wave of globalization that is under way with the best of them. Look, they even have McDonald's! The differences between us are shrinking all the time, and fast.
This great story even holds true for the most part. It's the sticky bit at the end of the paragraph that demands more careful consideration and arguably, concern.
The great divide in perceptions over the Tibet crisis may indeed have revealed that the Western press is not perfectly accurate or credible, as the Chinese government and its carefully controlled media have wasted no effort in pointing out in recent weeks. To Westerners, this will come as no big surprise.